In these lands, the public had chosen its President for the first time. Both Tayyip Erdogan's and his competitors' profiles clearly show the direction of the public's choice. Due to these reasons, the status quo, which we call the established order, was making decisions on behalf of the public, thinking that critical offices, laws and establishments are serious matters that cannot be left to the public's control.
Since there were no obstacles in the public's way to make their own selection, some could assert that the distance between the state and the public had been closed and the peace was established.
Of course, the issue is not that simple. Since the political sociology is usually confused with political establishment and theories in Turkey, we are apt to regard some symbolical developments as the answer to everything and the closure of the deficit of all these years. When we look at the headlines of newspapers, we can see how sociology is residing in place of politics.
A similar confusion is quite intense in the opposition's ranks. Politics, which is incapable of producing politics, more importantly, and also is deprived of the ability to perceive and read the sociology and culture of the community correctly, had accused the voters once again. The society engineering, which finds the reason for every defeat in the society, had always messed with the sociology since it always thought that the right to make upper politics belongs to it. The privileged of the established regularity had presumed that playing with sociology was politics. They only consist of behavior and perception defects of the period, where deforming the sociocultural structure in the community was regarded as doing politics instead of answering the political demands of the community. Since they are not in peace with the sociology, they would not desire the community to meet/make peace with the politics.
The danger of falling into different contradictions is equal to making up the difference between sociology and politics, and personally falling into the trap of presuming this as the politics itself. We should remark that, for the first time many people in Anatolia are beginning to feel as the owners of the country and after the times they were alienated, they start to possess the feeling of being an element. While it's assumed that the emotional aspect of sociology doesn't exist, the represented sensual response of the sociology, culture and values in the politics is the feeling of being yourself…. This absolute is not related with obtaining the rulership. Even if the rulership is lost, it could be regarded as the reconciliation state, which makes one feel valuable. If this reconciliation, the state of feeling valuable, is bringing forth the removal of someone else from the communal sharing, then it might be a candidate for producing new conflicts. What the communal layers, which are carried to the politics, should pursue without falling in to the 'being me' blindness is this situation.
The essential problem is that, when the sociological support finds its representation in the politics, this is not comprehended as the politics itself. Individual representations are not amounting to the public's political values, scales and political style's representation. Exactly like how doing politics in the name of Kurds doesn't always carry the Kurds to the politics: on the contrary, it could come to mean that it had transformed into a project that will transform the Kurdish socio-culture.
Before anything else, the Muslims had suffered from being alienated to their values and political understandings. As much as the Muslims are concerned with who represents them, what should also concern them should be in what way and how and with which political style they are being represented. However, the intervention in the sociology and some kind of political 'apartheid' operation by the ones, who sees the politics as the monopoly of their denominational environment and a certain mind world, had constrained them to similar reactions.
While this necessity state, which seems temporary, had replaced politics time to time, it made us forget about the question of whether the political apartheid operation had broken or whether the discrimination rules are continuing or not. The outsiders/quiet stack, who reached the center via a long and tedious way, are required to re-establish the upper politics language by keeping in mind and not losing the scales of prerogative and morality. This requirement is calling some recollections to being alive.
If you prioritize the question 'who is administrating' before asking the question 'what kind of a world are we proposing', then you would be sacrificing politics to sociology. If you are not querying the financial capitalism before the 'which bank' question, then it means that you are falling into a horrendous delusion. If you are prioritizing the identity of the judge before the principles of justice, then it means that you had fallen into an intelligent trap. Fortifying the personnel before querying the system is equal to surrendering to the system.Güncelleme Tarihi: 12 Ağustos 2014, 10:52